Hamid Karzai seeks to re-edit command with a comfortable lead

Kabul, 14 Aug 2009. - Installed in a comfortable lead over its rivals, the Afghan President Hamid Karzai, aims to defend his mandate in the elections on 20 by Flag of the dialogue with more moderate Taliban and the country pending the promised development.
Karzai, 51, has been leading Afghanistan almost from the fall of the Taliban in 2001, first leading a transitional government and later elected as president by the citizens, in 2004.
In the upcoming elections, the current president wants to obtain the re-election over his critics, who accuse him of tolerating corruption, relying on the old "warlords" and be unable to develop state institutions.
So far, Karzai has come pacts with the leaders of different ethnic minorities, such as "warlords" Ismail Khan (Tajik) and Rashid Dostum (Uzbek), and has incorporated his nomination to the powerful Mohammed Fahim, a controversial general and a former defense minister in his government and now wants to be his vice president.
With Fahim, Karzai seeks to ensure the support of northern Tajiks, the second largest ethnic group in the country, while he tries to shore up the vote of the Pashtuns in the south and east against the boycott promoted by Taliban insurgents.
His most important punch line is just an offer of dialogue to more moderate Taliban, in order that these lay down their arms and join to building Afghan democracy at a time of expansion of the insurgency.
The pact would be a new twist to the political career of this leading moderate Pashtun, who during the Soviet occupation (1979-1989) served as an advisor to the mujahideen and then supported the Taliban thinking, like many, that would bring stability to the country.
The close relations that the latter had with the Pakistani secret services led him, however, to distance themselves from the fundamentalists and began to organize opposition abroad since before the 11-S.
With the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan, Karzai was decided to fight against the Taliban and starred in an epic entrance on the south accompanied by a handful of followers several motorcycle riding, as has the writer Ahmed Rashid in his book " A Descent Into Chaos. "
And then, chosen to lead the country's interim government, the president still managed to maintain a precarious balance between the different factions, ethnic groups and tribes of the country, still central to the political system.
While domestic policy has been criticized by liberals for being slow in its reforms and the prevailing corruption, the Afghan people value their sentences distressed civilian deaths at the hands of international troops in the country.
Reviled by his opponents derided as "mayor of Kabul" because of limited control over the country, Karzai is yet to be popular among Afghans under the last two surveys known, which attributed a 44 and 45 percent respectively, decided to vote in presidential elections.
With a twenty point lead over its nearest rival, Karzai faces the future of Afghanistan as favorite comfortable in his role as "father of the nation", as it is termed some of his election posters.
"If you vote today Karzai, Karzai ensures your tomorrow "promises Afghans in their electoral slogan.
Populism aside, the real merit of the current president has been his move to occupy the center of the Afghan crossroads: between Pashtuns and Tajiks, between foreign troops and the public, between moderate Taliban and the small liberal sector.
They say of him, those who know him, that feels so comfortable in a suit and tie like a turban and robe

Taliban advance and desire for development of the population make the campaign

Kabul, 14 Aug 2009. - Some 17 million Afghans registered to vote in the second presidential election since the fall of Taliban in Afghanistan, marked by the advance of the Taliban, as well as the desire for reconstruction and development of the population.
"This is one of the most difficult electoral exercises I've seen," said a few days ago to the media on UN special representative in Afghanistan, Kai Eide.
The authorities planned to send almost 3,200 donkeys for carrying the polls to the most inaccessible places in this country of difficult terrain, but anecdotes aside, the main concern is the security situation.
"It's the Taliban factor. We can not expect a high turnout in some areas and provinces. In more than 10 districts will be difficult to hold elections, "said Efe Afghan spokesman Foundation for a Free and Fair Elections (FEFA), Jandar Spinghar.
In recent weeks, international forces have launched several operations in the traditional Taliban stronghold of Helmand (south) in an attempt to ensure security before the presidential elections, the insurgents have decided to boycott.
In Kabul, many citizens complain that the situation has worsened, which recognized the own boss of foreign troops, Stanley McChrystal, who admitted in a recent interview with the newspaper "Wall Street Journal" that the Taliban "have taken advantage. "
The insurgents have a strong presence in much of southern and eastern Afghanistan, areas where the ethnic Pashtun majority, which traditionally come from the Taliban, but also the president, Hamid Karzai, who is running to republish mandate.
Karzai appears with the old "warlord" Tajik Mohammed Fahim as a candidate to vice president, a move that analysts attribute an attempt to split loyalties in the former Northern Alliance and attract the votes of the ethnic Tajik a, the second most populous of Afghanistan.
At the quarry to vote their hopes basa which surveys show to be more potent rival to Karzai, Abdullah Abdullah, a former foreign minister who worked closely with the guerrilla killed Ahmed Shah Mehsud, the Northern Alliance in their resistance against Taliban prior to the 11-S.
They and another 41 candidates in the running, former Finance Minister Ashraf Ghani, concur the elections as independent and outside the umbrella of political parties, which have matured in just the first-fragile democracy in Afghanistan.
"Tajiks vote the Tajiks. The Pashtuns the Pashtuns. Each to his own, this is the great problem of Afghanistan, "said Kabuli Efe a student during a meeting of Ghani.
Loyalties aside, the difficult terrain and lack of credible data make it almost impossible to venture an accurate forecast beyond the advantage that all analysts attach Karzai, seen for months by various commentators as the "winner inevitable."
The two most recent surveys, conducted in July separately by the International Republican Institute and the U.S. Glevum analysis center, attributed, respectively, Karzai, 44 and 45 percent of the votes determined, 18 and 20 points ahead of Abdullah, but that outcome would require to hold a runoff between the two.
With the anti-Taliban struggle in the hands of international troops and the Afghan army, all candidates are focused on the development, reconstruction and the creation of wealth, while rallies held under tight security conditions.
"They are developing strategies. There are only tactics, "said Efe a western security source on the candidates in the elections, which are held together the elections for provincial councils.
While Kabul is flooded with electoral panels and large images of their candidates, the international troops try to get the 29,000 ballots for voting are emplaced before 20 August, even in areas under Taliban control.
After that date, an account that promises to slow: initial results for the September 3, final 17 this month and the second round, if necessary, for the first week of October.

Hundreds of Afghan women support opposition candidate at a rally in Kabul

Kabul, 12 Aug 2009. - Touched with celestial burkas, hijabs or veils of colors, hundreds of Afghan women joined today the campaign of presidential elections in Afghanistan on August 20 in an act of support for opposition candidate Ashraf Ghani and claim their own.
"We deserve good government at last. We will vote for safety and to bring peace Afghanistan. We're tired of fighting and war, "said Efe between the student shy smiles Baseri Farishta, shortly before the start of the ceremony in the capital.
With women in the front seats and some men stationed behind less-Ghani girded his electoral slogan, "New Beginning" and pledged to invest in the "daughters of the country", to be said, the "coming entrepreneurs."
"The regime (of President Hamid Karzai) has had no police or judges or women. Yes I will, and also give them property and health care, "Ghani said to applause from his fans and occasional shouts of" Allah is great ".
The candidate, former finance minister in Karzai's government, came walking walk by the side of a large pink tent installed in the garden of his home, accessible in the center of Kabul but, like many other buildings, or walls.
Intellectual training and experience over a decade at the World Bank, Ghani was considered one of the candidates most likely to embarrass the candidate Karzai, but the latest survey gives only 3 percent of the vote.
However, both Karzai and Ghani among Pashtuns have their main quarry of followers, so that the result of the former can influence the career for re-election of current president, which aims to prevail without runoff.
Karzai's opponents cite the ineffectiveness of government, widespread corruption and tolerance towards the "warlords" as major spots in its work managing these years, a message Ghani, 60, stressed in his speech.
"My goal is to provide an honest government. The Afghan vote an honest person, "remained, after asking the female support and promising new job opportunities for Afghan women, who experience discrimination secular.
After years of strict seclusion under the Taliban regime, Afghan women still face with devastating challenges: literacy rate is only around 21 percent, and in this election there are only two women among 41 candidates.
"Women's participation will be low. In some provinces, there have been few women. And in others, the tribal leader came to collect the voting card for all of them, so the process can be adulterated, "said Efe a spokesman for the Afghan Foundation for a Free and Fair Elections (FEFA), Jandar Spinghar.
The two women candidates, said Spinghar, could not move to campaign to rural areas due the security situation which has deteriorated in recent years, with an increase in Taliban activity in large parts of south and east.
At campaign events, however, candidates present their ideas for development and reconstruction and promise jobs and opportunities like those claims Madadi Nargis, a young student coming Wardak to Kabul from (this) you want to be a doctor.
"We live better than the Taliban, but I think that elections change things. I want to study medicine, but the current situation makes me the way, "says Efe during the act of Ghani.
His desire, she said to applause, depends largely on Afghanistan return to the path of peace after decades of destruction and armed conflict that poisons the future.

The Pashtuns

Pashtuns or Pathans are an ethnolinguistic people located mainly in Afghanistan and in tribal areas of western Pakistan. The Pashtuns have the hallmarks of the Pashto language use and practice of Pashtunwali code, a traditional old code of conduct and honor.

Pashtun society consists of many tribes and clans which were rarely united throughout history, until the emergence of the Durrani Empire in 1747. During the Anglo-Russian rivalry (known as The Great Game), played a vital role because the limit of both empires coincided with the settlement area. For 250 years the Pashtuns were the dominant group in Afghanistan, and stirred up the world's attention with the Soviet invasion of the country (1979) and with the rise and fall of the Taliban because of their ethnicity should be the main contingent of the fundamentalist movement. Pashtuns are also an important community in Pakistan, where are the second largest ethnic group.

The Pashtun population is estimated about 42 million people, but there is no official census in Afghanistan since 1979. There are about 60 major tribes and, within them, more than 400 sub-clans.

Demography. The vast majority of Pashtuns live in a belt stretching from southeastern Afghanistan to northwestern Pakistan. There are also Pashtuns in Pakistan's northern areas and in eastern Iran. They have a small presence in India, while in recent years have seen the small communities of immigrants in Europe, North America and the Arabian Peninsula. The major metropolitan centers are Kandahar, Jalalabad and Swat. Peshawar, Quetta, Kabul and Kunduz are ethnically diverse cities, but with a large presence of Pashtun population. In Karachi, 3.5 million Pashtuns live.

Ethnicity is the 15.42 percent of Pakistan's population, about 25.6 million people. In Afghanistan, an estimated 42 percent of the population is Pashtun, about 13.3 million people. Among the 1.7 million Afghan refugees in Pakistan, mostly Pashtuns. A cumulative sum of the Pashtuns in the region for a total of 42 million people.

History and origins. The history of the Pashtuns remains without reliable research. From the second millennium BC, the cities of the region have been subject to invasions and migrations. Visited by Indo-Iranian, Indo-Aryans, Medes, Persians, Mauryas, Scythians, Kushans, heptalitas, Greeks, Arabs, Turks, Mongols, British, Russian and, more recently, the United States of America. Several theories-both academic and popular-hit about the origin of Pashtuns

Old references. There are several ancient groups with eponyms similar to the Pashtuns, who have been referred to as the possible ancestors of modern Pashtuns. The Greek historian Herodotus mentioned the people "pactiano" on the eastern border of the Persian satrapy Arachosia, as in the first millennium BC. His connection with the Pashtuns is unclear. And similarly, the Rig Veda mentions the tribe "paktha" (in the region of Pakhat), ie, the current eastern Afghanistan. Some scholars have suggested a connection with modern Pashtuns, but this is speculation.

In the Middle Ages until the advent of the modern state of Afghanistan in 1747, and the division of the Pashtun territory by the Durand Line, in 1893, the Pashtuns were given merely as the "Afghans." This adjective first appears in history in the Hudud-al-Alam in 982 AD, was referring to a common ancestor and legendary Pashtuns, known as Afghani.

The wise Alberuni refers to Afghans as a group of tribes living in the border mountains between old India and Persia. In this geographical location, the Pashtuns had close contact with Indian tribes and Iranian, as witnessed by the famous Moroccan traveler Ibn Battuta, during a visit to Kabul in the year 1333: "We traveled to Kabul, formerly a vast city, whose site is now occupied by a tribe of Persians called "Afghans."

Anthropology and linguistics. The origins of the Pashtuns are in eastern Iran. The language belongs to the Iranian sub-branch of the family of Indo-European languages. The Pashtuns are classified as Iranians, possibly as descendants of the Bactrians and Scythians. The old Iranian tribes that expanded to over the Iranian plateau were early precursors to the Pashtuns. Like other Iranian peoples, many Pashtuns have mixed with various invaders, neighboring groups and migrants. In terms of phenotype, Pashtuns are predominantly a Mediterranean group, so that the light hair and pale skin are not uncommon, especially among remote mountain tribes.

Oral traditions. Some anthropologists lend credence to mythical oral traditions of the Pashtun tribes themselves. For example, according to the Encyclopedia of Islam, the theory of descent is Israeli Pashtuns originated in Maghzan-e-Afghani who compiled a history during the reign of Mughal Emperor Jehangir, in the seventeenth century.

Another historical book, the Taaqati-Nasiri, maintains that in the seventh century a people called Bani Israel settled in Ghor, southeast of Herat, and later migrated south and east. These references marry a common vision of Pashto oral tradition, that when the twelve tribes of Israel were dispersed, the tribe of Joseph settled in the region. The Pashtun name "Yusuf Zai" translates as "the sons of Joseph."

Other Pashtun tribes claim that descended from the Arabs, and there are even some who claimed (the sayyids) that Muhammad is among their ancestors. Some groups of Peshawar and Kandahar (Afridis, and sadozais khattaks) are said to descendants of the ancient Greeks who came to the territory of Alexander the Great.

Modern Age. The Pashtuns are intimately tied to the history of modern Afghanistan and western Pakistan. Following the Arab-Turkish conquests of the VII-XI centuries, the ghazis (warriors of the faith) Pashtuns invaded and conquered much of northwestern India. His recent past runs through the Hotaki dynasty and later the Durrani Empire. The defeated Hotaki Safayid Dynasty of Persia and took control much of the Persian Empire between 1722 and 1738. This campaign was followed by the conquests of Ahmad Shah Durrani, a former senior commander under Nadir Shah of Persia. He founded the Durrani Empire, over a large part of what is now Afghanistan, Pakistan, Kashmir, Indian Punjab and the province of Khorasan (Iran). After the fall of the Durrani Empire in 1818, the Barakzai clan took control of Afghanistan. The country was in the hands of sub-clan Mohammedzai, since 1826 until the end of the reign of Mohammed Zahir Shah, in 1973. This legacy continues today: Hamid Karzai comes from the Pashtun tribe Popalzai in Kandahar.

Afghan Pashtuns resisted the British design of its territory and held off the Russians during the so-called Great Game. Despite the rivalry of the two empires, Afghanistan remained an independent state and enjoyed some autonomy. But during the reign of Abdur Rahman Khan (1880-1901), the Pashtun regions were divided by the Durand Line, and what is now western Pakistan was ceded to British India in 1893. In the twentieth century, many Pashtun leaders politically active and living in the British province of North West Frontier supported the independence of India, and were inspired by the peace movement of Mahatma Gandhi. His region was embedded in the newly created Pakistan.

The Pashtun Afghans, however, achieved full independence from British intervention during the reign of King Amanullah Khan, after the third Anglo-Afghan war. The monarchy ended in 1973 after a coup executed by Sardar Daud Khan. This opened the door to Soviet intervention, which was culminated by the Saur Revolution in 1978. Many Pashtun opposition joined the mujahideen against the Soviet intervention. This sowed the seeds of the modern Taliban, a religious movement originating in southern Afghanistan. In late 2001, the Taliban government was overthrown by a new invasion, this time led by the United States.

Who are the Pashtuns. Among historians, anthropologists and the Pashtuns themselves is active debate about who makes up this town. Among the various definitions, highlights the ethnolinguistic, that kept Pashtuns who move within the parameters of ethnic origin in eastern Iran, have a language, shared culture and history, living in proximity and are recognized as members of that village . The tribes who speak dialects very different from the Pashtun, for example, are recognized as members of the common body.

Another definition, more narrowly refers to a component of culture. Requires Pashtuns are Muslims and respect the Pashtunwali code. This is the prevailing view among the more conservative tribal leaders, who deny the Pashtun status of the Jews, even if they themselves claim to have ancestors of that religion. Pashtun society is not homogenous, Chapter religious: most are Sunni Muslims, but Shiites nuclei in the Northwest Frontier Province of Pakistan. Pakistani and Afghan Jews, who once numbered in the thousands, living today in Israel and the United States.

A third definition refers to the ancient and patrilinear component, based on an important law of Pashtunwali, in which only those who have a parent Pashtun Pashtun. This definition places less emphasis on the language of each. For example, the Pashtuns Indians have lost their language and many customs, but are still considered Pashtuns, like Bollywood actor Shahrukh Khan, the ancestors of this community.

Culture. Pashtun culture settled in the course of many centuries. The pre-Islamic traditions, you probably already present during the conquest of Alexander in 330 BC, survived as traditional dances, while the literary and music styles still reflect a strong influence of the Persian tradition. Pashtun culture is a unique blend of native customs and strong influences of the West, East and South Asia.

Religion. The vast majority of Pashtuns is Sunni Islam, especially the Hanafi school. A significant proportion of the Pashtuns are Shiites, mainly in eastern Afghanistan and northwestern Pakistan. There are strong links between tribal affiliation and membership of the Islamic community. Most Pashtuns believe they are descendants of Qais Abdur Rashid, an early convert from Islam who brought the faith to the Pashtun population. Some historians believe that the Pashtuns could be Zoroastrians, Hindus, Jews or shamanistic before the arrival of Islam. Some were able to practice Buddhism. However, this is all conjecture at the moment and there is no conclusive evidence.

Pashtunwali. The term "pakhto 'or' Pashto 'from which the Pashtuns derive their name not only refers to the language, but the code of honor known as pre-Islamic Pashtunwali. It is believed that it originated in a pagan time and, in many ways, eventually merged with Islamic beliefs. The Pashtunwali governs and regulates nearly every aspect of life, from the tribal affairs to individual behavior and honor.

The Pashtunwali influences the social behavior of Pashtuns. One of the best known principles is the melmastia, the duty of hospitality and asylum to all guests seeking help. The perceived injustice requires Badal, revenge. "Revenge is a dish best served cold" was taken in these lands by the British and later popularized in the West. Men are required to protect Zan, Zar and Zameen, women, money and land. Some aspects promote peaceful coexistence, as Nanawati, the humble admission of guilt for a wrong committed, which should result in automatic forgiveness by the offended party. Other aspects of Pashtunwali have come under heavy criticism, especially regarding the rights of women and honor killings. The Pashtunwali remains in force among many Pashtuns, especially in rural areas.

Literature and media Pashtuns. Throughout Pashtun history, there were poets, prophets, warriors and kings were revered. But literature did not play a role, mainly because Persian was the lingua franca of neighboring countries and dominated the typed letters. The first written records of Pashto are the sixteenth century and describes the conquest of Swat by Shaikh Mali. In the twentieth century, in Pashto literature gained prominence through the work of Amir Hamza Shinwari, who cultivated the ghazals. In 1919, Mahmud Tarzi began publishing the first newspaper in Afghanistan: Seraj-al-Akhbar.

With very low rates of literacy, many Pashtuns continue to adhere to oral traditions. Men continue to meet in the chai-tea shops-khaanas to hear oral histories, stories of bravery and courage. Although the tradition of the storyteller is male-dominated Pashtun society is also marked by certain matriarchal tendencies. The stories related to reverence for the mother are common and are passed from parents to children, like most Pashtun heritage, through a rich oral tradition that has survived over time.

Sport. Traditional sports include naiza bazi, including riders competing in spear throwing. The pole is also a traditional sport in the region and is popular with some of the tribes. Pashtuns are also involved in the fighting and Buzkashi, often part of the sports events. Cricket was a legacy of British rule over Pakistan and India, countries that now have some Pashtuns from their best players.

Performing Arts. The Pashtun are a people engaged in various forms of expression such as dance, sword fighting and other physical activities. The most common form of artistic expression can be seen in the various dance forms. One of the most prominent is the bind, it has old pagan roots. Amended by Islamic mysticism, today is the national dance of Afghanistan.

The ATAN dances accompanied by several traditional instruments such as drum, table, or the tula rubab (wooden flute). With a quick circular motion, the dancers dance until there is no dancing. Most dances are male, although there are some exceptions such as Spin and tumbal Takray, a kind of drum performance by the girls of the people when one of them gets married.

La música tradicional pastún tiene lazos con la música afgana tradicional, a su vez inspirada por la del Hindustán. Formas populares incluyen el ghazal (poesía cantada) y la música qawali sufí. Los tópicos giran en torno al amor y la introspección religiosa. La moderna música pastún tiene como eje la ciudad de Peshawar, debido a las guerras afganas, y tiene a combinar técnicas propias con rasgos persas y la música india de Bollywood.

Tribes. A feature of the Pashtun people is its intricate system of tribes. The Pashtuns are predominantly a tribal people, but urbanization the world has begun to alter Pashtun society: cities like Peshawar, Quetta or Kabul are growing rapidly due to the flow of rural Pashtuns and the arrival of refugees. Although urban development, many people still identify with various clans.

The tribal system has several levels of organization: the tribe (tabar) is divided into kinship groups called khels in turn divided into smaller groups (pllarina), formed in turn by several extended families kahols calls. The Pashtun tribes are classified into four major tribal groups: the sarbanes, the batianos, the ghurghushtos and karlanes.

Another prominent Pashtun institution is the Jirga or Senate, made ​​by local veterans. Most decisions in tribal life are made ​​by council members, which is the main authority recognize as egalitarian Pashtuns viable government body.

Women. The lives of Pashtun women vary between those living in conservative rural areas, as the tribal belt, and those living in urban centers, with greater relative freedom. Though many Pashtun women remain uneducated, others have had access to work. The Russian occupation, Afghan wars and the Taliban regime brought hard times for women, whose rights were limited by an uncompromising interpretation of Islamic law.

El código del Pastunwali a menudo acota a las mujeres en papeles tradicionales que separan sexos. La senda del cambio y las reformas ha quedado obstaculizada por las guerras afganas, y también por el aislamiento y la inestabilidad de la vida tribal en Pakistán. La prueba de las barreras sociales está en que la tasa de analfabetismo entre ellas está muy por encima de la de los varones.

Los abusos contra las mujeres, muy extendidos, cuentan con una oposición cada vez mayor por parte de varias asociaciones femeninas, muy activas, que luchan contra grupos religiosos conservadores y también contra funcionarios del Gobierno tanto en Afganistán como en Pakistán. Las mujeres pastunes ven a menudo que sus derechos quedan a expensas de sus maridos o parientes masculinos. Los hombres pastunes siguen teniendo el dominio de la vida en el Pastunistán.

Afganistán, la polvorienta encrucijada

En Afganistán no hay estrategia, solo tácticas . La frase es de un responsable de seguridad que pide no ser nombrado; pero aunque –digamos- anónima, es sentencia de vuelo en el convulso o pacífico (según tomemos la visión pesimista o la optimista) proceso electoral afgano , todavía con ganadores por definir pero desde luego ya encajonado en las acusaciones de fraude, las denuncias de manipulación y la desconfianza generalizada ante el futuro de una guerra que comenzó hace ocho años y no sólo no tiene visos de terminar sino que empeora.

Nada más cerrar los colegios electorales, el pasado día 20 de agosto, entre los periodistas occidentales y la comunidad internacional, quizá con el ejemplo iraní en el subconsciente, comenzó a ganar peso la idea de que las elecciones presidenciales habían sido una pantomima gigantesca orquestada por el Gobierno afgano para perpetuarse en el poder, con la aquiescencia tácita de los poderes occidentales y el silencio sumiso de las organizaciones supranacionales. Y pocos días después saltó la liebre: el principal opositor, Abdulá Abdulá , antiguo ministro de Exteriores y portavoz del señor de la guerra Ahmed Shah Masud, denunció el “fraude masivo”, la “farsa” de recuento, justificada por las más de 2.000 denuncias de irregularidades en el proceso.

No hay aún nada definitivo al respecto (la Comisión de Quejas todavía está evaluando las irregularidades), pero es que lo inusual sería que los comicios fueran intachables : en un país con distritos enteros dominados por los insurgentes talibanes, diarias operaciones de combate y partes de bajas cada vez más nutridos, sin una cultura democrática establecida ni partidos políticos enraizados entre los ciudadanos –por otra parte, mayoritariamente analfabetos. No existe un censo de población fiable y la complicada orografía hizo que la Comisión Electoral tuviera que usar varios miles de burros para llevar las urnas a ciertas áreas aisladas. En estas elecciones, mucha gente ha parecido exigir poco menos que un milagro.

La comunidad internacional se ha gastado cientos de millones de dólares para que Afganistán pudiera celebrar sus elecciones presidenciales; pero con ello y con la masiva abstención quedó refrendada la idea de que en el país hay una democracia sostenida por el extranjero y no compartida por la población, todavía dependiente de los viejos códigos tribales que impiden a la mujer salir de casa y, por ejemplo, registrarse como votante. En muchos pueblos, son los maridos quienes registran a sus mujeres , con el riesgo –denunciado por distintos organismos independientes- de que se emitan tarjetas de votante sobre la base de personas inexistentes, vendidas luego al mejor postor, como hizo público la BBC en una investigación.

Y en esos muchos pueblos, digo, son todavía los viejos líderes tribales quienes deciden el voto de comunidades enteras. Una regla alterada en el sur y el este del país, donde ha sido más palpable la intimidación de los talibanes , que llamaron al boicot de los comicios (“pura propaganda americana”) y amenazaron con represalias a los votantes (cumplidas al menos en tres casos documentados: a dos personas les cortaron los dedos, manchados de tinta en el proceso de votación; ya un campesino le mutilaron la nariz cuando marchaba a las urnas). Se registraron 135 ataques, según el dato oficial.

Con todos estos elementos, resulta sorprendente que pese a lo alienígena de la democracia en el viejo sistema tribal afgano, la denunciada sombra del fraude alentado por los barones regionales y las amenazas y atentados de unos insurgentes cada vez más poderosos, haya habido varios millones de afganos decididos a ir a votar limpiamente y con la confianza de que su voto servirá para algo. En el capítulo de lo positivo, y sabiendo que la abstención ha sido masiva, lo mejor que se puede decir es que la democracia tiene algunos adeptos brotes verdes en Afganistán.

Pero esto no obsta para comprender que unas elecciones celebradas con el despliegue de unos 300.000 miembros de las fuerzas de seguridad –de ellos, unos 100.000 soldados extranjeros- son el mejor recordatorio de que Afganistán no solo es un país en guerra, sino que además la situación está más tiempo descontrolada que bajo control: julio fue el mes que marcó el récord de bajas en combate de las tropas internacionales desde la invasión del país, en el año 2001, hasta que esa marca fue superada en agosto. Atentados, explosiones, incursiones rebeldes de baja o media intensidad: un desgaste casi imperceptible pero permanente. Una bomba de relojería.

Los soldados de las tropas internacionales están bien equipados –mucho mejor que sus colegas afganos- y se mueven en unos estrictos protocolos de seguridad que buscan proteger su integridad y minimizar las bajas. Comprensible, pero a la vez con el contratiempo que esto supone -por la inaccesibilidad- para ganarse la simpatía de la población afgana. Y además juegan en desventaja, porque los talibanes no son un cuerpo externo a Afganistán; aparte de su cúpula dirigente, muchos de ellos son pastunes de áreas rurales que no tienen más manera de ganarse la vida que echarse al monte, con un sueldo mejor que el que les pagaría el Ejército (Palabras de alguien de fiar: “ ¿A quién le interesa que occidente se empantane en Afganistán? Coge un mapa y mira los países limítrofes. Uno a uno” ).

Así que son afganos de pura cepa nacidos en el seno de familias igualmente afganas con un código moral tradicional y una lectura ultraconservadora del Islam, pero valores propios y compartidos. Propondrán un orden social anclado en el pasado y unos puntos de vista escalofriantes bajo cualquier estándar internacional, pero a la vez dicen garantizar la seguridad de la población de la que forman parte en la lengua que maneja esa misma población. En esto, tienen un plus esencial sobre las tropas extranjeras, que son un elemento externo y accidental tanto entre las polvorientas colinas de Kabul como no digamos ya en el medio rural.

“ Los talibanes no atacan a la gente normal, ¿por qué deberíamos tenerles miedo?”, contaba un muchacho pastún venido desde Nangarhar –en el este del país-, a un mítin del muy demócrata Ashraf Ghaní, antes de las elecciones. Es un argumento que la práctica insurgente demuestra falaz, pero lo que importa es que mantiene su calado en una parte no desdeñable de la población, tan cansada de guerras como ansiosa por retornar a una situación de seguridad que se les escapa.

Fíjense: el cuartel de la ISAF (Fuerza Internacional de Asistencia a la Seguridad) en Kabul es una muralla de cemento , de pesadas puertas custodiadas por unos soldados macedonios con gafas discotequeras que ni se manejan en inglés (no digamos ya en dari) y apenas señalan con gestos que no hay que acercarse más de lo necesario. Y, no lejos, para llegar al Palacio presidencial de Hamid Karzai hay que pasar estrictos controles de seguridad y caminar a pie por una extensa avenida arbolada. Tan verde y tan vacía que uno se pregunta si de verdad está en Kabul o ha salido andando del país, sin darse cuenta.

“ Es curioso –decía el traductor a nuestro paso por los jardines del presidente Karzai-. Con los talibanes, este espacio estaba abierto para la gente. Todos podían pasear y acercarse por aquí. Y ahora, lo han convertido en una especie de fortaleza ”. Así es Kabul: una ciudad vitalista, pero con un barrio entero arrancado a su población y monumentales atascos (los coches se concentran en las pocas vías alternativas, a veces sin asfaltar y cruzadas por rebaños de cabras). Los estudiantes del céntrico instituto Amani –donde votó Karzai y cerca de palacio-, tienen que pasar controles y registros diarios para ir a clase. Si alguno intenta fumarse una clase y salir del centro, la Policía afgana lo envía al calabozo.

Karzai –tan pastún como los talibanes y por eso mismo, su principal dique de contención- se hizo esperar dos horas en la sala de prensa y habló cinco minutos, los suficientes como para dar una visión bien humorada de las elecciones y mostrarse seguro de su triunfo (necesita más del 50 por ciento para proclamarse vencedor en la primera vuelta); pero no dio pistas de lo que hará si gana: si negociará con los insurgentes moderados, como prometió, si ejecutará sus pactos con los señores de la guerra (a los que ha atraído para ganar votos), si mantendrá firmeza respecto a las tropas internacionales pese a sus desencuentros con los EEUU.

“ No hay estrategias, sólo tácticas ”. Y en estas, el jefe de las tropas internacionales en el país, Stanley McChrystal, pide un viraje en el rumbo de una guerra que, de seguir así, “se perderá”. Se trata, ha escrito el general, de dar prioridad a la seguridad de la población afgana frente a los talibanes y de fomentar la presencia del Ejército afgano en las operaciones contra los insurgentes. Pero se trata, en realidad, de continuar con el estado de guerra sin tener en cuenta que, para un sector de los afganos, los talibanes siguen siendo libertadores levantados contra el invasor . Y sin tener en cuenta que el principal enemigo del progreso sigue siendo la falta de oportunidades entre los jóvenes afganos (el 65 por ciento de la población tiene menos de 28 años).

Esto último es algo que tiene claro el candidato Ramazán Bashardost –tercero en el recuento de voto-, un ex ministro de Planificación que ha hecho campaña desde una tienda de lona emplazada frente al parlamento afgano, sin ningún tipo de protección de seguridad y sin temor de sufrir ataques ( ¿quién va a querer matarme a mí?, se pregunta). Bashardost combina una fiera lucha contra la corrupción con ideas algo peregrinas respecto al final de la guerra (propone comandos contra objetivos en Pakistán si ese país se inmiscuye en los asuntos afganos), pero la propuesta que importa aquí es su llamada de atención sobre el subdesarrollo del país.

Bashardost acusa a las ONG occidentales de embolsarse dinero destinado a obras públicas, pone nombre a las ovejas negras de las organizaciones estatales de ayuda, rastrea el desvío de fondos en un país que languidece a la cola de los índices mundiales de corrupción. Quiere, dice, el desarrollo para que las pagas militares o insurgentes dejen de ser una opción atractiva –o la única opción- de los jóvenes en un país “ acostumbrado a guerrear desde el Paleozoico ” (en palabras de una fuente diplomática) y con un deporte nacional, el buzkashí, que es una pequeña batalla en miniatura. Bashardost no tiene posibilidades de victoria, pero ha atraído a un número de votantes suficiente (ronda el 10 por ciento) como para ser tenido en cuenta. “Los votos de Bashardost – bromeaba un colega periodista el primer día de escrutinio- serán los únicos reales en estas elecciones. Lo demás, puro fraude”.

La tienda de Bashardost es tan pequeña como cualquiera de los dos cañones que adornan la entrada del surrealista palacio de Karzai. En un lugar como Afganistán, donde la vida vale menos que un melón, bastaría con que uno de esos integristas suicidas corriera unos metros desde la carretera para llevarse de un soplo explosivo a Bashardost ya su tienda. Pero, paradójicamente, estar allí mete menos miedo que pasar veinte minutos a las puertas de la ISAF, con los soldados macedonios impidiendo el paso y -es un suponer- en la mirilla de los insurgentes. Y de lo que ocurre en Afganistán con los palacios da buen testimonio el edificio de Darul Amán, la mole inmensa del shá. Hoy yace ruinoso a las afueras de Kabul –bien es verdad que todavía majestuoso- y vigilado por un grupo de aburridos soldados que matan las horas tumbados a pierna suelta en camastros a la sombra, parapetados tras interminables alambradas.

Desde los huecos para los ventanales de Darul Amán, vieja morada del rey, se divisa Kabul, a lo lejos. Una ciudad entre montañas tomada por el polvoriento calor del verano y por miles de soldados venidos de muy lejos mientras el mundo se interroga para qué sirve todo esto.

Afganistán es un país partido en tribus y etnias de difícil convivencia –pastunes, tayikos, hazaras, uzbecos-, con dos generaciones enteras que han crecido con la guerra como hábitat natural. Una encrucijada de rutas con vecinos de ambiciones opuestas que la han convertido en tablero de sus intereses propios (país sin mar, hay tres vías de suministro terrestre, pero los occidentales no controlan ninguna), como lleva pasando desde Alejandro Magno. Los mimbres del estado son débiles ya Karzai lo llaman viciosamente el “alcalde de Kabul”, porque su control sobre el país no llega ni a los pilotos del avión presidencial (historia que contaré otro día).

Hablando de aviones: regresaba desde Kabul vía Kandahar, un vuelo de la compañía Ariana que domina a baja altura las montañas de Ghazni y Zabul antes de llegar al pedregoso aeropuerto del bastión talibán. Un azaroso compañero de viaje me iba señalando los accidentes de las sierras, aquí un pueblo, allí un valle, dominado todo por las ocres montañas afganas. “ ¿Eres tayiko o pastún? ”, le pregunté. “ Soy afgano ”, me respondió con retintín. Y ya más serio, fue detallando los peligros del camino allá abajo: talibanes, salteadores, mujeres atrapadas, pobreza por todas partes. “ La mayoría de los jóvenes en este país no tienen de qué vivir ni saben qué hacer ”, decía, “ la demanda de desarrollo es urgente y vital ”.

O sea, me despedí de Afganistán, más estrategia y menos tácticas.

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